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The legal nexus | Joint
management | Equity
and the 'sanctuary' model |
Indigenous peoples’
rights and environmental protection
IT SEEMS TO HAVE BEEN
forgotten in the contemporary debate about indigenous rights in
this country that "native title" is a concept that predates
the establishment of the first British Colony on Australian soil.
At the time that the British crown asserted ‘radical title’ to the
lands of the continent of Australia, there was already recognition
and practices in common law as to what constituted ‘possession’
and in international law with respect to the annexation of ‘native’
territories by colonial powers.
The recognition of
‘native title’ in the High Court’s Mabo decision is a culmination
of a long sustained effort by Indigenous Australians to have their
proprietary and customary rights recognised as such by the Crown.
It overturned the concept of ‘terra nullius’, the legal justification
for the appropriation and disposal or control of the lands of Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islanders by Colonial, and subsequently State
and Commonwealth, Governments. This is a system of land administration
that has continued more or less to the present.
What the High Court
didn’t address was ‘the status of sovereignty’ and the ‘Crown’s
fiduciary duty’. Two matters critical to unravelling the content
at the heart of the ‘reconciliation’ agenda. The first matter, the
status of sovereignty, is about the ability to divide and share
powers, and therefore considerations of Aboriginal autonomy and
self-determination.
The second matter,
the Crown’s fiduciary duty, is about the obligations of the various
governments under the Crown to protect and deal fairly with the
rights and interests of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.
In law (but not in actuality because indigenous people didn’t acquire
legal citizenship until 1967) these are people who should have,
upon the assertion of sovereignty, become ‘subjects’ of the Crown
and had proper protection for their property and rights.
Both matters involve
consideration of the ‘justice’ by which the Crown acquired sovereignty
in Australia and the manner in which governmental power was exercised
or of its failure.
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The
legal nexus
Oone major problem
of the recognition of native title in the latter half of the 20th
century and into the 21st is that extinguishment and dispossession
have occurred progressively over the whole historical period of
Australian land ‘settlement’, for the most part without proper and
‘just terms’ compensation. This remains a dividing line on which
Australian society stands. The potential for conflict in dealing
with these issues should therefore be apparent.
The legal nexus between
native title and the dedication of lands and waters by the State
for the protection of natural and cultural values is a staging post
for this historical conundrum. There are two reasons for this. One
is that recognition of native title itself doesn’t resolve all matters
to do with the indigenous rights agenda or redress past dispossession.
And two, there is a public interest, and in fact, an international
agenda, in the protection of natural and cultural values that overlays
but doesn’t automatically square with indigenous rights and interests
in the land, either broadly or specific to the judicial and legislative
backing for native title.
This makes dealing
with native title in protected areas complex for non-government
environment groups. It also requires a great deal of circumspection
by these groups. The pitfalls are many.
When the issue of indigenous
rights in protected areas was last visited in Queensland, with the
creation of the Aboriginal Land Act and the Nature Conservation
Act, serious divisions opened up in the environment movement. There
was a contest on two fronts.
One was the ‘model’
of parks as ‘sanctuaries’ for wildlife free from human intervention
(except that of Governmental managers and park visitors) as against
protected areas with the primary purpose of biodiversity protection
that intertwined indigenous natural and cultural values. Cultural
values were to be embodied in the exercise of indigenous rights.
The second was whether
non-government environment groups, as community organisations advocating
environment protection but spanning a spectrum of political views,
should concern themselves with ‘social justice’ issues.
The recognition of
native title has had an enormous impact on this past debate. The
sanctuary model does not withstand the reality of Aboriginal tenure
and use rights, although its primary functions of providing ecological
refuge and protecting natural and cultural heritage values, while
subject to reform in particulars, remain invaluable.
The issue of social
justice has in part been put to rest by the High Court determinations.
The issue is now one of legal compliance. At the same time the spurious
assertion that ‘we are not social justice organisations’ is countered
by the simple reality – we are not social injustice organisations.
Non-government environment
groups have the moral and political obligation to act within the
requirements of a fair, democratic and just society. They must allow
for the proper articulation and expression of differing views without
undermining the principles of such a society.
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Joint
managament
The immediate scope
of native title in protected areas appears to open up places such
as national parks to Aboriginal control and management. A series
of inter-related indigenous rights and biodiversity conservation
issues are then brought into focus. In addition, the State’s ‘interest’
in protected areas incorporates a number of factors and contests,
some of which may imply regulation of indigenous rights.
The general approach
to this interface of indigenous rights and environment protection
is to develop ‘joint management’. Joint management arrangements
for Protected Areas are essentially about trying:
TO protect the ecological
and biodiversity values of the area
TO protect the cultural,
social, economic and legal rights and interests of Aboriginal people
associated with the area
TO protect the interests
of the wider community with respect to their enjoyment of the area
Protected Area arrangements
should respect the rights and interests of indigenous communities,
and of the wider community of which they are a part, while meeting,
to the greatest extent possible, the three core objectives of joint
management.
It is increasingly
recognised that there are important linkages between ecological
values and indigenous cultural values. The application of customary
management processes may be important in maintaining long established
ecological relationships.
At the same time, community
interests with respect to visitor access and activities, research
and monitoring programs, endangered species protection programs
and other management issues, unless structured to facilitate coexistence
or negotiated outcomes, may be in competition or conflict with Aboriginal
aspirations for particular Protected Areas from time to time.
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Equity
and the 'sancturary' model
By design, nature conservation
regulation by the State need not present any serious conflict with
native title rights. In looking, for example, at the protection
of threatened and endangered wildlife, the line between regulation
and prohibition may not be difficult to discern. The logical approach
is case by case. There are no grounds for blanket prohibitions on
the taking of wildlife by indigenous people and such an approach,
as demonstrated by the Yanner case, would be destined to fail.
There is an issue of
equity here and an example of where the ‘sanctuary' model inadvertently
works against the interests of indigenous people. As it stands,
by creating ‘refuges’ for endangered wildlife that may limit or
restrict traditional hunting and gathering rights (particularly
where there is no form of compensation) the burden of protection
falls unfairly on Aboriginal traditional owners. The reason is twofold.
In the first instance,
the National Strategy for the Conservation of Australian Species
and Communities Threatened with Extinction states that " hunting
has not been a major cause of extinctions on the Australian mainland".
So traditional owners are being expected to suffer a loss of rights
to remedy a situation not of their making.
Second, the ‘threatening
processes’ leading to the endangerment of species remain largely
outside the scope of protected areas or legislative control (the
recent failure of freehold land clearing legislation demonstrates
this). The implication is that many Australians believe that private
economic and property interests reflecting the cultural heritage
of the European settlers are of a higher order than environmental
protection for the common good of this and future generations of
indigenous and non-indigenous Australians.
Ó
Anthony Esposito
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